The Moro struggle[1]
from the late 1960’s up to this generation revolves on this most primary issue
of Moro identity. The other problems at the core of the Moro struggle are
rooted from this basic issue of Moro identity.
Their
exertion for autonomy started long before President Ferdinand Marcos pronounced
martial law in 1972 and launched military operations against the MNLF-led Moro
revolutionary forces.
The
struggle started when the Spanish invaders started to infiltrate Moroland in
1565. After Christianizing and invading the inhabitants of the northern part of
the Philippines, the Spaniards advanced to the Moro homeland to control Islam
and neutralize the Moro sultanates’ economic and political activities.
Back
then, the Spanish invaders successfully employed the classical “divide and
rule” and Christianizing of natives (called Indios) schemes in their military
expeditions against the Moro people. The latter through the power of
centralized sultanates, the Maranao Pengampong, Islamic principles and developed
economies, fought the invaders defensively and offensively for 330 years.
For
the Spaniards the term Moor did not necessarily have derogatory connotation[2]
but simply the Spanish name for anyone who was Muslim. The Spanish rulers employed the word “Moro”
to refer generally to the inhabitants of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan, thinking
that they all belonged to the Islamic faith.
They
were called Moros only on account of their Islamic ideology and their culture
being similar to the Moors who took control of Spain for 785 years. To the
Spaniards, the term Moro would also mean Muslim. Since then, the Muslims in
this country have been identified in Southeast Asia and across the Muslim world
as the Bangsamoro people. This identity is officially Immediately after the
first encounter with foreign invaders in 1570 at Manila, the Philippine Muslims
won a distinct honor as “Moro”, an identity put forward by the invaders after
the Moors of Spain. recognized by the Organization of Islamic Countries. This
is the reference by which the historians and government legislators recognized
the official designation of the Muslims in the country and is now enshrined in
the Muslim Organic Act of 1989.[3]
Spanish
attempts to conquer the Moro homeland ended up in the Spanish-Moro wars that started
in 1565 and lasted for over 300 years. To obtain the sympathy and support of
Christianized native Filipinos, the Spaniards instilled the term “Moro” with derogatory
connotations, like “uncivilized,” “enslavers,” “pirates,” “traitors,” “juramentado,”
“ruthless” Hence, until the appearance of the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF) in 1969, the people in Moroland repudiated to be called Moros.
Nonetheless, the MNLF transformed the term into a byword of nationality and
identity in Moroland.
Although
non-Moros in Mindanao can no longer be driven away because of historical
transformation that supersedes resulting to prolific lives and economy, the Moros
must also be given what is due to them. It’s
easy to say, “Why can’t they move on since the ancient times up to this
generation” to anyone who does not value identity but by “knowing” the roots of
their outcry against suppression of identity, we can trace that their longest
battle can be equated to the “parable of the tenants,” wherein a landowner
leased his vineyards to the tenants which the latter claimed to be theirs (even
up to the point of killing the landowner’s son and servants whom he sent to
obtain his vineyard’s produce) while the former was on a journey (Matthew 21:
33-46). While it is true that this
passage is allegorical in context, its framework literally happens to the
Moros.
God
charges His nations to be nations of justice and honesty, but not suppression
(Zechariah 8:16-17) towards the comfort of the poor and the deprived, as the
Lord heal the broken-hearted, liberate the captives and release the prisoners
(Isaiah 61:1-30), God restores. So it’s just equitable that the government’s
pronouncement reaches a decision that’s not repressive but to where the Moros
should suppose to be, for the common good.
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Caution: For your listening pleasure, without
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http://www.seasite.niu.edu/crossroads/russell/christianity.htm
[2] Jamail A. Kamlian, Ph.D.,
author of the book “Bangsamoro Society and Culture, history professor at
Mindanao State University-Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippine Daily
Inquirer, 11:03 PM October 20th, 2012
[3] Archbishop Orlando B.
Quevedo, OMI, Injustice: the Root of Conflict in Mindanao, February 23 2014
6:58 pm, http://www.mindanews.com/mindaviews/2014/02/23/archives-quevedo-on-injustice-the-root-of-conflct-in-mindanao/
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